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Economic Update: President Bush, Kyoto, and the economics of global warming When President Bush announced in June 2001 that the U.S.
would not honor its commitments under the Kyoto Protocol for curbing global
warming by reducing emissions of greenhouse gasses, he was criticized
by environmentalists and others. To date the President has not proposed
any alternative approaches to controlling greenhouse gas emissions, leads
some to believe he does not take the threat of global warming seriously.
Bush's environmental stance aside, many economists and other
policy analysts believe the Kyoto Protocol is badly flawed. But if Kyoto
is problematic, what do we recommend? We take the threat of global warming
seriously and think economic analysis can make an important contribution
to policy formulation. Since the mid-1970s, earth's atmospheric temperature has
risen above the global historical average by about one degree Fahrenheit.
Most earth scientists agree this rise is due in large part to the "greenhouse
effect," whereby gases, primarily carbon dioxide (CO2), emitted by
humans form a shield preventing dissipation of solar heat away from the
earth. A United Nations sponsored group of scientists, the Intergovernmental
Panel of Climate Change, predicts that if nothing is done to control emissions
of CO2 and other greenhouse gasses, CO2 concentrations in the atmosphere
will double from pre-industrial levels by the end of this century. The
result will be a global average temperature increase of 2.5 to 10.4 degrees
Fahrenheit by the year 2100. If global warming is to be substantially retarded, global
emissions of CO2 and other greenhouse gasses must be substantially reduced.
This issue was addressed by 160 nations in Kyoto, Japan, in December 1997.
The result was the Kyoto Protocol, which commits the industrialized nations
of the world to reducing emissions of CO2 to about 5 percent below 1990
levels by sometime between 2008 and 2012. The Clinton administration signed
the Protocol, agreeing to a 7 percent reduction in U.S. emissions. It
was this commitment that the Bush administration repudiated this spring. The problems with the Kyoto Protocol are the following:
it did not call for enough reduction of greenhouse gas emissions; it tried
to do it too quickly, thereby; imposing higher costs on the world economy
than were necessary and justified by the benefits of slowing global warming;
and it did not require any actions now or in the future by any developing
nations. Even if the industrialized nations meet their targets by 2012, concentrations of CO2 will continue to grow, in part because of the growing emissions of developing nations (especially China, soon to be the world's largest CO2 emitter, and India) not committing to reductions of their own. Thus, the Kyoto Protocol would delay doubling of CO2 concentrations by only a few years. Achieving these reductions by 2012 would cost more than
necessary because of the need to retrofit power plants, automobiles, buildings,
etc. with currently available technologies, rather than allowing firms
to take advantage of normal replacement cycles and the better technologies
expected to arise over time. One tool for evaluating policies is "benefit-cost analysis."
A policy is economically desirable only if its benefits outweigh the costs
when both are converted into current dollars. Determination of benefits
and costs of global warming policy is very difficult for a number of reasons
and this makes the evaluation of candidate policies a contentious (though
very interesting) undertaking. The primary problem in evaluating costs and benefits of
global warming policies is the magnitude of the scientific and economic
uncertainty surrounding the consequences of different policies. For each
trajectory of emissions, scientists must forecast not only global average
but regional temperatures and precipitation patterns for up to two centuries
into the future. The costs and benefits of alternative trajectories of
reduced emissions depend on global population, the rate of technological
improvement in energy use and emissions control, and how future populations
adapt to changing climate. Comprehensive assessments of alternative policies tend to
support modest emissions reductions, but suggest more aggressive proposals
would have costs substantially in excess of benefits. However, most assessments
do not consider the other environmental benefits (including human health)
resulting from reduced use of carbon-based fuels in the energy and transportation
sector. There are also substantial uncertainties in all of these estimates;
the possibility of unforeseen catastrophic climate responses cannot be
ruled out. Emissions within a country can be reduced via "command
and control," with each polluting firm forced by the government to
reduce emissions by some percentage. Such policies neglect the fact that
different sources may have radically different costs associated with reducing
carbon emissions and therefore do not tend to achieve emission reduction
in the least costly way. Economists generally prefer "economic incentive systems,"
such as pollution taxes or tradable permits with strict emissions caps.
To keep total global control costs as low as possible, it will be important
to use an incentive based system rather than command and control. At an
international level, we strongly recommend caps on each country's emissions
with trading both within and between nations. The total costs of controlling emissions of CO2 could be
substantially reduced if nations were allowed to trade emissions permits
with other nations. If the right to emit carbon were a valuable resource,
polluters would profit from cleaning up, and industries would develop
to reward innovative development of new carbon-reducing technologies.
The U.S. has been clear that trading among nations must be part of any
framework that it would agree to; the Kyoto Protocol does allow for the
development of an emission rights trading system among industrialized
nations. Trading, however, is politically difficult. Many analysts believe that obtaining the agreement of all participating nations in a "fair" allocation of valuable permits is an impossible hurdle. European countries claim they should be given a larger initial share of any newly allocated permits, as a reward for unilateral measures they have taken to reduce carbon emissions. The U.S. views the European claim as an attempt to put U.S. firms at a competitive disadvantage. |
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